{"id":20433,"date":"2026-10-25T21:34:26","date_gmt":"2026-10-26T03:34:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/?p=20433"},"modified":"2026-10-25T21:45:11","modified_gmt":"2026-10-26T03:45:11","slug":"podcast-the-2026-pork-report-who-pays-the-taxes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/podcast-the-2026-pork-report-who-pays-the-taxes\/","title":{"rendered":"PODCAST: the 2026 Pork Report & Who Pays the Taxes"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\"Listen<\/a><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Two items on Idaho\u2019s November ballot drive this episode: Proposition 1, the initiative that would change Idaho\u2019s abortion law, and HJR4, a constitutional amendment that would move drug law out of the initiative process. Both are examined less as isolated votes than as symptoms of a process the episode argues has stopped belonging to Idahoans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Proposition 1 segments lay out the episode\u2019s reading of what the measure would do \u2014 no parental notification or consent, procedures by practitioners beyond physicians, and a definition of viability the episode contends could be stretched late into pregnancy \u2014 alongside a figure of roughly $9.7 million that has flowed into the state on both sides, said to exceed the spending of the last three gubernatorial races combined. The argument that follows is about thresholds: at a simple majority, the episode contends, a few million out-of-state dollars can move enough votes to flip a state that would not otherwise go that way, which is why it points to Florida\u2019s 60% bar and to the two-thirds standard used for school bonds. HJR4 is presented in the same frame \u2014 not really about marijuana or Schedule I drugs, but about closing off one more arena to outside-funded proxy campaigns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Idaho\u2019s money is the other through-line. The Idaho Freedom Foundation\u2019s 2026 pork report is cited as identifying over $2 billion in waste, fraud and abuse against a combined federal, state and local budget put at $14 billion, with the claim that handling that waste and the growth of government could abolish property taxes in six or seven years without raising another tax. The same skepticism is applied to the Micron expansion in Boise and the $400 million cap on projects over a billion dollars, to a four-part investigation of Lava Hot Springs and its selection as capital for a day, and to a Governor\u2019s Cup golf trip in Coeur d\u2019Alene paid for by a nonprofit hospital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Running underneath is a question about whether a Republican supermajority means what it appears to mean. Fourteen immigration bills failed, the episode argues, not because legislators voted them down but because committee chairmen never let them come to a vote \u2014 a claim it ties to the broader influence economy of 700 lobbyists working 105 legislators across a session. A two-week trip to Madrid opens the episode as the cautionary version of the same story: a tent city in a historic plaza, teachers striking over pay, and a housing promise of 265,000 units that delivered fewer than 40,000.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chapter timestamps below let you jump straight to Proposition 1, HJR4, the pork report, Micron, Lava Hot Springs, the stalled immigration bills, or the Governor\u2019s Cup.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0:01 Opening: A Spain Trip as Policy Fieldwork<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The opening sets up the episode\u2019s first subject: a just-completed trip to Madrid, treated as an economist\u2019s look at a European welfare state rather than a vacation recap. A running bullfighting joke frames the return before the conversation turns to policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0:40 Madrid\u2019s Tent City, Striking Teachers, and Nowhere to Complain<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A stay in Madrid, Toledo and Segovia becomes a survey of discontent: a shanty-town tent city pitched in a historic plaza to stand through Election Day, and public school teachers walking out over low pay. The episode\u2019s reading is structural rather than anecdotal \u2014 once government controls a large enough share of the economy, every grievance about housing, wages or jobs has only one address, and that address is the least responsive actor in the system. From there the argument moves to wealth itself: government draws from producers rather than creating, and the more of the economy it absorbs, the less remains to redistribute. Greece is invoked as the end state of running out of other people\u2019s money.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

5:45 Conspiracy or Incompetence?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asked whether high debt, political turmoil and a drift toward socialism were deliberately set in motion, the episode declines the conspiracy framing on the grounds that it credits the planners with expertise they do not have \u2014 the damage, it argues, is largely inadvertent, with the caveat that some simply want the system to grow even where it hurts people. The exchange closes on a short list of presidents judged virtuous, with Reagan and Trump named, and the image of turning a ship\u2019s wheel while the rudder refuses to move.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

7:16 Return to Spain: 265,000 Promised Homes and the Eviction Trap<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spain\u2019s housing promise is the case study: roughly 265,000 units pledged during the campaign, fewer than 40,000 delivered. The explanation offered is a loop rather than a failure of will \u2014 when eviction becomes nearly impossible, fewer tenants pay, owners convert vacancies to short-term rentals, apartment supply shrinks, and the same voters who wanted the protection then demand the missing units. The only lever left is taxation, which the episode frames as a no-win trade: lower rents purchased with higher taxes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

8:22 Idaho\u2019s \u201cLast Oasis of Freedom\u201d and an 85% Republican Legislature<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The frame narrows to Idaho, cast here as the last oasis of freedom and immediately qualified as always under threat \u2014 including from a legislature the episode describes as 85% Republican yet routinely voting for budgets and controls it considers liberal. The Idaho Freedom Foundation\u2019s stated reason for existing is laid out: keeping Idaho from becoming Spain, Colorado, California, Oregon, Washington or Utah, and holding legislators accountable where other think tanks applaud them. The segment also takes up the labels thrown back \u2014 extreme, radical, libertarian \u2014 with the answer that establishment actors have always tagged freedom advocates that way, and that the label says more about the legislator using it than the group receiving it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

10:39 Micron, Tax Breaks, and the $400 Million Cap<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The loss of five conservative legislators in the last election leads into the Micron expansion in Boise and the incentives attached to it. The position taken is pro-project and anti-subsidy: build the plant, build data centers in the middle of nowhere, but do not expect the public to pay for the privilege, since states that bid for employers with carve-outs trade a short-term gain for a long-term loss. The $400 million cap on projects over a billion dollars is characterized as a misuse of legislative authority benefiting large corporations, and the alternative offered is a flat pitch: low taxes for everyone and no permission needed at every turn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

12:21 The 2026 Pork Report and a Path to Zero Property Tax<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2026 pork report anchors this segment, with a claimed $2 billion in waste, fraud and abuse against a combined federal, state and local budget put at $14 billion \u2014 roughly a seventh. The sharper point concerns how spending is arranged: immigration costs, like jobs programs spread across seven state and twenty-six federal agencies, are split among enough separate line items that no single debate ever covers the total, which is given as the reason the report can only scratch the surface. Multi-year commitments get the same treatment, with the Rural Health Transformation Fund\u2019s $197 million first year described as approaching a billion over five. The payoff claim: handle the waste and the growth of government, and Idaho could abolish property taxes in six or seven years without raising another tax.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

15:31 Lava Hot Springs, Capital for a Day, and Grocery Prices<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A four-part investigation into Lava Hot Springs is the subject, with a fifth story held back pending fact-checking. The episode\u2019s account alleges years of noncompliance tolerated by the controller\u2019s office \u2014 missed deadlines, reversals on development policy, nepotism, and a disputed sewer project \u2014 and questions why Governor Little selected the town as capital for a day. That leads to a short detour on cost of living, setting the governor\u2019s claims about cheap Idaho groceries against the gas, egg and milk prices cited in the segment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

17:13 Proposition 1: What the Abortion Initiative Would Change<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The episode\u2019s reading of Proposition 1 is laid out in detail, and it is the episode\u2019s reading: that the measure would permit abortion on demand in Idaho, remove parental notification and consent, allow procedures by \u201chealthcare professionals\u201d defined broadly enough to include dentists and EMTs, and obscure the definition of viability in a way it argues the courts could stretch through the ninth month. A figure of 1,500 abortions a year is cited as the stake, and the campaign messaging on the other side is directly disputed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

18:15 $9.7 Million and a Proxy War on Idaho\u2019s Ballot<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Roughly $9.7 million has poured into Idaho on both sides of the measure by the figure cited here, said to exceed the spending of the last three gubernatorial elections combined \u2014 named out-of-state donors and a national PAC on one side, churches sending millions on the other. The question raised is whether the result will reflect Idaho\u2019s will or the money. The structural complaint follows: at a simple-majority threshold, a few million dollars can move enough votes to carry a state that would not otherwise vote that way, which is why the episode points to Florida\u2019s 60% bar and the two-thirds standard used for school bonds. Medicaid expansion is offered as the precedent, and the segment ends with Prop 1 yard signs appearing in a subdivision assumed to be conservative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

21:55 Doctors, the Hippocratic Oath, and the Longer Fight<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The sharpest argument of the episode concerns physicians who back the measure. It asserts that Idaho law already permits exceptions for medical necessity, contends the campaign\u2019s video ads misrepresent that, and argues doctors supporting Proposition 1 are violating their oath \u2014 drawing a parallel to COVID-era efforts to strip licenses from doctors who promoted ivermectin and calling for the same treatment in reverse. These are the episode\u2019s positions, stated forcefully, not settled law or medical consensus. The segment then looks past November to Colorado, where its account has opponents retreating for a year or two, returning with full force, and reshaping the state\u2019s politics as its population changed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

23:47 HJR4: Taking Drug Law Out of the Initiative Process<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

HJR4, the other ballot item, would amend the constitution so that only the legislature can set law on Schedule I drugs. The framing offered is that the measure is not really about drugs \u2014 it removes an entire section of law from the initiative process, pre-empting the kind of outside-funded campaign described in the Proposition 1 segment, with marijuana legalization named as the expected next target. Reclaim Idaho is identified as the group it would keep off the ballot every two years, and the defense is representative government: the legislature presented as the more efficient and better-protected place to make those decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

25:34 14 Immigration Bills and a Chairman\u2019s Drawer<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The counterargument to trusting the legislature arrives immediately: fourteen immigration bills failed despite an all-Republican majority. The episode\u2019s explanation is that the bills were never voted down but never allowed a vote, held by a handful of committee chairmen, and it names Senator Jim Guthrie as the chairman in whose drawer House-passed immigration bills ended. That is the episode\u2019s characterization rather than an established finding, and the point behind it is structural \u2014 a chamber\u2019s stated majority can be undone by whoever controls which bills reach the floor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

26:14 The Governor\u2019s Cup, Hospital Lobbying, and 700 Lobbyists<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A golf trip to the Governor\u2019s Cup in Coeur d\u2019Alene, paid for by a nonprofit hospital, opens a segment on how access is bought in Idaho. The episode\u2019s case is that hospitals including St. Luke\u2019s and St. Alphonsus, along with medical insurers, are nonprofit only in the narrow accounting sense after years of COVID and state money, and that the event\u2019s scholarship framing covers three or four days of glad-handing. The arithmetic cited is 700 lobbyists working 105 legislators across a session, with the observation that influence accrues to whoever is in the room \u2014 which is why a legislator known to be immovable eventually stops getting visits at all. These characterizations of the named hospitals and the event are the episode\u2019s own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

29:16 Closing: Europe as Fact-Finding, Idaho as Homework<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The episode closes on the value of seeing a European welfare state firsthand, recommended as a fact-finding trip as much as a cultural one, set against the counterpoint of still having most of Idaho left to see. The sign-off is a promise to stay vigilant and keep doing the work, with an open invitation to return next week.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n

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\"Listen<\/a><\/figure>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Two items on Idaho\u2019s November ballot drive this episode: Proposition 1, the initiative that would change Idaho\u2019s abortion law, and HJR4, a constitutional amendment that would move drug law out of the initiative process. Both are examined less as isolated votes than as symptoms of a process the episode argues has stopped belonging to Idahoans. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":20175,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1502],"tags":[1227,1150],"class_list":["post-20433","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-podcast","tag-inflation","tag-school-choice","cat-1502-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20433","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=20433"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20433\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":20439,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20433\/revisions\/20439"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/20175"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=20433"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=20433"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gemstatepatriot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=20433"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}